[Editor’s note]
Professor Liu Pujiang, a professor and doctoral supervisor of Peking University History Department and China Ancient History Research Center, died at the age of 54 at 23: 57 on January 6, 2015. Liu Jiaoshou, who was in the prime of his academic career, died suddenly, causing a mourning among his peers. Liu Jiaoshou’s colleague, Professor Luo Xin of Peking University History Department, wrote on his Sina Weibo after learning the news: "Losing him is the biggest loss of Peking University Middle Ancient History Center in the past 30 years."
Professor Liu Pujiang’s research fields are the history of Song, Liao and Jin Dynasties and the history of northern nationalities in China. However, for ordinary readers, Liu Jiaoshou’s professional field is still a little unfamiliar. In order to facilitate readers to understand Liu Jiaoshou’s scholarship and academic contribution, private history selected eight papers from nearly 100 papers published by Liu Jiaoshou before his death, and summarized them in order to commemorate this historian who left us prematurely.
Deng Guangming and the History of Song Dynasty in the Twentieth Century, Historical Research, No.5, 1999.
In memory of Mr. Deng Guangming, who is grateful to him, Liu Pujiang has written many reminiscences, among which this article is the most complete exposition of Mr. Deng Guangming’s academic path, academic contribution and academic character from the perspective of academic history, so I choose Sven to share with you.
Guangming Deng
Deng Guangming once said that Mr. Hu Shi, Mr. Fu Sinian and Mr. Chen Yinque had the greatest influence on him. Liu Pujiang thinks that the two mentors who have the greatest influence on Deng Guangming’s academic path are Hu Shi and Fu Sinian, but Chen Yinque’s influence on him seems not obvious. In Hu Shi’s "Biography and Literary Works" class, Deng Guangming finished his graduation thesis "Biography of Chen Longchuan", which was highly praised by Hu Shi, who gave him 95 points and "talked about Deng Sheng to everyone". Later, Deng Guangming wrote biographies of Yue Fei, Xin Qiji and Wang Anshi, and chose the history of the Song Dynasty as his research direction. It can be said that the foundation stone was laid at this time. In the course of "Introduction to Historical Methods", Fu Sinian often talks about the phrase "above, he searched the Green Void, below, the Yellow Spring, find something with your hands and feet". In this subtle way, Deng Guangming has formed an academic style and research method that attaches importance to historical materials and evidence.
In the history of Chinese historiography in the 20th century, what position does Mr. Deng Guangming occupy? Liu Pujiang believes that since the birth of the new historiography, there have been five first-class historians in China, namely Wang Guowei, Chen Yinque, Chen Yuan, Qian Mu and Gu Jiegang, who can be called scholars. Secondly, there are only a few people who have achieved the highest achievements in a certain dynastic history or specialized history and enjoyed the world-recognized authoritative position, such as Tang Changru’s contribution to the history of Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Han Rulin’s contribution to the history of Mongolian Yuan Dynasty, Tan Qixiang’s contribution to historical geography and Deng Guangming’s contribution to the history of Song Dynasty.
As for Deng Guangming’s academic character, we can get a glimpse of it through an example cited by Liu Pujiang. At the end of 1950s, Zhang Panshi, Vice Minister of Publicity Department of the Communist Party of China, asked Li Xin to preside over the compilation of historical geography maps for primary and secondary schools. For this reason, Li Xin called the heads of relevant departments and some historians to discuss the compilation regulations. Its guiding principle was the Eight Articles drafted by Wu Han and approved by Zhou Enlai. The basic principle of the Eight Articles was to explain history according to the territory of new China, and to regard the contradictions between different nationalities in history as domestic ethnic contradictions. Professor Deng Guangming resolutely opposed this principle at the meeting, and always insisted on his own opinion that history could not be misinterpreted according to reality. As a result, the meeting ended.
Historical Memory of the Khitan Nationality —— Centered on the Theory of "Green Cow and White Horse", original issue of Collection of Commemorative Works of Mr. Qi Xia, Hebei University Press, October 2002.
Among the historical legends of the origin of the Qidan nationality, the most widely known is the story of a green ox and a white horse. Before the story of Green Cow and White Horse became a text, it had obviously been circulated among the Qidan people for a long time. As early as 1930s, Japanese scholar Tamura Sukehiro made a preliminary analysis of this legend. He thought that this legend appeared in the middle of the 8th century AD from the three elements of the Khitan people’s residence, the theory of eight homologous parts and the belief in Muyeshan.
Green ox and white horse map
It is generally believed in academic circles that the green ox and white horse are the tribal totems of the Qidan people. But what symbolic significance do they have? According to historical data, Tamura pointed out that the green cow represents the land area and symbolizes women; The white horse represents the gods and symbolizes men. Liu Pujiang further believes that in the eyes of the Khitans, the White Horse God is the embodiment of Khitan Khan.
It is a traditional custom of the Qidan people to sacrifice the green ox and white horse, which has the totem worship nature under the primitive religious belief form. In the etiquette and custom system of Qidan, it is a grand ceremony to offer sacrifices to heaven and earth with green cows and white horses. In the early Liao Dynasty, it was customary for all state affairs, especially military affairs, to make this sacrifice. According to the literature of Liao Dynasty, it is an ancient traditional custom of the Qidan people to worship the heaven with a green ox and a white horse, which was not invented after the founding of the Liao Dynasty.
In the legend of green ox and white horse, Muye Mountain occupies an important position. Muye Mountain is the birthplace of the Qidan nationality and a symbol of the ancestors of the Qidan nationality. In addition to offering sacrifices to ancestors, there is also an important content in the activities of offering sacrifices to the shrine in Muye Mountain, that is, offering sacrifices to the gods of Muye Mountain. However, with regard to the etymology and semantics of Muyeshan, Mr. Liu Fengzhu thinks that Muyeshan is a transliteration of the Khitan language, which means "Dashan", while Liu Pujiang thinks that Mr. Liu’s statement is not valid according to the phonetic analysis of the fine print of Khitan, and Muyeshan is probably a Chinese word.
Face up to Chen Yinque, Reading, No.2, 2004
Chen Yinke
Liu Pujiang believes that there are five historians in the 20th century who are first-class historians, namely Wang Guowei, Chen Yinque, Chen Yuan, Qian Mu and Gu Jiegang. Now Chen Yinque seems to have been pulled too high, even surpassing Wang Guowei, whose level is by no means below Chen Yinque. Many scholars think that Chen Yinque can’t be surpassed. Liu Pujiang thinks this seems too absolute. Although it is really difficult for anyone to surpass Chen Yinque at present, no one knows what will happen in the future.
Mr. Wang Jisi has the following comments on Chen Yinque: the assessment is rigorous and the argument is thorough, but it is inevitably cumbersome; Super understanding, different times, but inevitably conservative; Remembering one’s life experience, one has deep feelings, but can’t help being sentimental. Liu Pujiang thinks that Mr. Wang Jisi’s evaluation is very calm and fair. The so-called "conservative" probably refers to Chen Yinque’s emotional appeal of adherents. Hu Shi said that he smelled of "young people", and the emotional resonance was probably an important reason why he made close friends with Wang Guowei.
The complexity of textual research is indeed a major chronic disease of Chen Yinque’s article, and Liu Pujiang cited several typical examples. For example, in Wei Zhuang’s Qin Fu Yin, the phrase "a bucket of gold and a liter of millet" is used in some versions, and Chen Yinque has to care about the right and wrong of this word. At the end of the textual research, however, based on the Dunhuang papers collected in the Paris Library, it is affirmed that this poem should still use the word "one liter of millet", while Wei Zhuang used the word "liter", which is "a pen that is deliberately described because of its words". Textual research is indispensable to the study of history, but is it valuable to waste so much pen and ink to textual research such a meaningless question? Biography of Liu Rushi is also the representative work of Chen Yinque’s complicated textual research. Liu Pujiang felt sorry and unworthy for a great historian like Chen Yinque who spent so much energy on this book.
The End of the Theory of "Five Virtues at the End" —— On the Evolution of Traditional Political Culture since the Song Dynasty, China Social Sciences, No.2, 2006.
The so-called "five virtues" refers to the five virtues represented by the five elements of wood, fire, earth, gold and water, and the "beginning" refers to the cyclic operation of the "five virtues". From the Qin and Han Dynasties to the Song, Liao and Jin Dynasties, the theory of the end of five virtues has always been the basic theoretical framework for the dynasties to explain the legitimacy of their political power.
The reaction of Song Confucianism to the theory of the end of five virtues began with Ouyang Xiu. Under the influence of the ideological trend of Confucianism revival in the mid-Northern Song Dynasty, the orthodox debate initiated by Ouyang Xiu made the political theory of five virtues transfer encounter an unprecedented impact. Since Ouyang Xiu, doubts about the theory of five virtues beginning and ending have been seen more and more in the writings of Song Confucianism. Their main reason is that the theory of five virtues is not found in the Six Classics, which is a casual talk of Yin and Yang. In essence, it can be said that it is the same thing as Chen Wei, so it is not worth believing at all.
Liu Pujiang examined the end of the theory of five virtues in the background of a series of important changes in China’s traditional political culture since the Song Dynasty, focusing on three aspects: the sublation of divination in Song studies, the end of meditation and the decline of the official seal, which provided a new idea for the theory of changes in Tang and Song Dynasties from the perspective of political ethics. And following this changing track, we can also see the basic trend of the ideological history in the Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties.
However, it is too early to talk about the "end" of the theory of five virtues in the Song Dynasty. In fact, Song Confucianism’s questioning and criticism of the theory of the end of five virtues is only the foresight of a few pioneers. Liu Pujiang believes that in the Song, Liao and Jin Dynasties, the traditional concept of the transfer of five virtues is still stubbornly rooted in secular society and has not yet withdrawn from the mainstream of Confucian political culture, and its influence can be seen everywhere from the political stage to the social ideology level. As a theoretical system to explain the evolution of dynasties, the theory of five virtues finally withdrew from political life, which was after the Yuan Dynasty.
The "Five Movement" theory was last used to serve politics, probably in the peasant war in the late Ming Dynasty. Since Ding Ge in Ming and Qing Dynasties, the influence of the Five Movements Theory has been declining. In the Qing dynasty, there was no record of stressing good fortune.
Exhausting Bypass and Pre-flow: Dilemma and Outlet of Liao and Jin History Research, No.6 Historical Research, 2009.
In this article, Liu Pujiang pointed out straight from the point: In the research pattern of dynastic history in China’s historical tradition, Liao and Jin history is known for being obscure. However, it is precisely because of its remoteness that there is plenty of room for contemporary scholars to study. In the research field of Liao and Jin history with very limited materials, it is not difficult to find problems with academic value that have been neglected for a long time.
The author takes the discussion on the capital system of Liao Dynasty after 1980s as an example. As we all know, there were five capitals in the Liao Dynasty, and people always regarded Beijing as the capital. However, Mr. Tan Qixiang pointed out that it was only the capital of the early Liao Dynasty, and the de facto capital was Dadingfu, Zhongjing, after the twenty-five years of the reign of Saint Zongtong (1007). Professor Yang Ruowei, on the other hand, believes that the Liao Dynasty did not have the capital system like the Central Plains dynasties in previous dynasties, and none of the five capitals had the status and role of the capital. The political center of the Liao Dynasty was always in the Voludo (palace) that migrated at four seasons.
Liu Pujiang has always been dissatisfied with the present situation of Liao and Jin historiography (including his own research). At present, the overall academic level in this field, whether compared with other dynastic history or with previous scholars, is still unsatisfactory today. In this case, what is the bottleneck restricting the development of Liao and Jin history? What is the way out for the study of Liao and Jin history? Liu Pujiang prescribed three prescriptions.
First, exhaust historical materials and interpret them in depth. On the one hand, scholars who study Liao and Jin history think that there are too few historical materials, on the other hand, these limited historical materials have not been deeply occupied and utilized. Liu Pujiang believes that the study of Liao and Jin history should follow the example of the study of Han and Tang history and make a deeper excavation on the basis of exhausting a few historical materials.
Second, "bypass" is a possible way out. At the same time, the self-contained system of dynastic historiography has caused the barrier of dynastic history to be strengthened constantly. Most historians can only stay with a certain dynastic history for life, and have a feeling of being separated from other dynastic history. There is no academic future for those who govern the history of Liao and Jin dynasties if they stick to the three points of Liao and Jin history. Liao and Jin historians should be in charge of the history of the Song Dynasty, or the history of the Mongolian Yuan Dynasty, or the history of nationalities, and at the same time, they need to cross linguistics, ethnology, anthropology, folklore and other disciplines to master the research methods of the above disciplines.
Third, ethnic language materials bring opportunities. Nowadays, the most valuable new materials in the field of Liao and Jin history are the stone carvings of Qidan in big and small characters and Jurchen characters. If the researchers of Liao and Jin history can master and use the written materials of Khitan and Jurchen, it will bring new vitality and vigor to the research in this field.
Study on the system of human martyrdom in Qidan —— Also on the custom of "cooking" in Liao, Jin and Yuan Dynasties, No.2 of Literature and History in 2012.
The earliest phenomenon of human martyrdom in human history usually appears in the historical period when matriarchal clan system is in transition to paternal clan system or paternal clan system has been established. Human martyrdom first appeared in the form of wife and concubine martyrdom. The Yin and Shang Dynasties were the heyday of Chinese’s martyrdom and human sacrifice, especially in the late Shang Dynasty.
Liu Pujiang proves that human martyrdom is not a unique cultural phenomenon in Han Chinese society by citing literature. Many ethnic minorities around the Central Plains (especially Altai), such as Xiongnu, Fuyu, Xianbei, Turkic, Uighur, Tubo, Jurchen, Mongolia and Manchu, have also experienced human martyrdom at a certain stage of their civilization evolution, and have left sporadic records in the literature. In contrast, the materials about the Khitan human martyrdom are relatively slightly enriched and rich in forms.
Xiao Guanyin Pavilion Liao Dynasty Altar in Beizhen City, Liaoning Province
It is impossible to know when the system of human martyrdom in Qidan society began, but it began to die out at the end of the 10th century. The decline of the custom of human martyrdom in Qidan reflects some fundamental changes in the social etiquette and customs system of this nation after it was integrated into the Han cultural circle for a century.
Secondly, there is a story of Mao’s "broken wrist" after explaining the law in Liao and Song Dynasties. Liu Pujiang thinks that this kind of "broken wrist" is actually a kind of deformation of human sacrifice, which is called "cut body funeral" in anthropology. There are many forms of body-cutting funerals, among which broken fingers and broken faces are the most common. The legend of "broken wrist" after describing the law is a symbol of the funeral ceremony of the Qidan people. The so-called "broken wrist" is probably an exaggeration and misinformation of the broken finger, but it is certain that the story itself should be non-fiction.
Finally, Liu Pujiang made a detailed textual research on the funeral custom of "cooking rice" widely existing in the Khitan, Nuzhen and Mongolian ethnic groups. He thought that when the predecessors talked about the origin of "cooking rice", they either confused "cooking rice" with human sacrifice, or mistakenly thought that the custom of "cooking rice" was only found in Liao, Jin and Yuan Dynasties, which was not desirable.
In addition to the same form, there are obvious differences in the behavior purpose, burning content, the time of burning ceremony and the nature of the ritual system. Although the name of "cooking rice" only prevailed in Liao, Jin, Yuan and Three Dynasties, this traditional ancestor worship custom still exists widely in Mongolian society today.
Capital Problems in the Early Jin Dynasty —— Special Political Ecology in the Transition from Tribal System to Imperial Dynasty, China Social Sciences, No.3, 2013.
After overthrowing the Khitan dynasty, Jurchen still kept the old name of Liao Shangjing for a long time. Huining House (now Baicheng Zi, Acheng, Heilongjiang Province), the capital of the early Jin Dynasty, was not built in Beijing until the first year of Xizong Tianjuan (1138). Since the Song and Yuan Dynasties, there have always been many misunderstandings about Jin Shangjing Huining House, and people often confuse Jin Shangjing with Liao Shangjing, which has caused a lot of confusion.
Small-print Mourning of Qidan in the Mausoleum of Liao Dynasty in the Museum of Liaoning Province.
There is such a mistake in the history books such as Geography of Liao History, Geography of Jin History and History of Yuan Unification that Jin went to Beijing and Liao went to Beijing. If Yuan people can’t tell Liao from Jin, it’s mainly because Linhuang House still used the old name of Liao before the first year of Tianjuan’s reign and was easily confused with Huining House of Jin’s reign, then people’s misunderstanding of The History of Jin is due to the lack of real understanding of the particularity of the problem of the capital in the early Jin Dynasty.
At the beginning of the founding of the Jin Dynasty, Huining House, as the actual political center, was always relatively wild and simple. Jurchen’s "national capital" did not have the name of the capital for a long time after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. Jurchen followed the traditional custom of living in villages and called the capital "imperial village". It is precisely because the Nuzhen rulers are in the transitional period from tribal system to imperial dynasty that the status of the capital is not obvious.
After the Jurchen embarked on the road of sinicization, she tried every means to cover up the simple truth of the capital in the early Jin Dynasty. In the History of Jin Dynasty and other official documents of Jin Dynasty, it is absolutely impossible to see the saying that going to Beijing is called "Imperial Village". However, there are clues in Jin people’s notes. For example, Jin people Wang Chengdi’s "Qing Gong Yi Yu" records the author’s trip from Bianjing to Shangjing in the fifth year of Tianhui, in which it is said: Wang ordered Wei Fei to board the bus below, and Cheng Di also entered the imperial village with him.
Liu Pujiang believes that before the building of Huining House in the first year of Tianjuan went to Beijing, the status of this political center as the capital of a country was always unclear, and the political function of the capital was quite weakened. The reasons are as follows:
First, the traditional aristocratic parliamentary system of Jurchen and the high centralization of the military commander of Jurchen in the early Jin Dynasty inhibited the development of the monarch’s personal authority. Before Xizong, there was no centralized autocratic imperial power, which was an important reason why the Jurchen-style "Imperial Village" could not be compared with the Chinese-style countries.
Second, the dual political system implemented in the early Jin Dynasty, that is, the Privy Council system was implemented in the Han Dynasty and the extremely strong system was implemented in the central government, resulting in the coexistence of multiple political centers, which greatly reduced the importance of "Imperial Village" as the capital of a country.
Thirdly, the legacy of the Jin emperors’ nabo (activities related to nomadic customs such as camp migration and nomadic hunting) weakened the political function of the capital to a certain extent, especially in the early Jin Dynasty. Emperors of the Jin Dynasty frequently took several months. During this period, the state power organs were transferred to the palace with the emperor, making the palace an important place to handle the internal and external affairs of the country.
Deconstruction of the Historical Context of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom —— Also on the Complex Disputes between the Kuomintang, Hong Yang and Zeng Hu, Research on Modern History, No.2, 2014.
Since the late Qing Dynasty, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom has probably been the most controversial and changeable period of history. In the eyes of the Qing rulers, the Taiping Army was a "Guangdong bandit" and a "rebel". In the view of the revolutionary party in the late Qing Dynasty, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom was a great national revolutionary movement. After the Republic of China, the historical view of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom’s national revolution was established, and the relationship between the national revolution led by Sun Yat-sen and the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom was generally recognized. It is generally believed that after the establishment of the Nanjing government, the evaluation of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom by the mainstream ideology of the Kuomintang experienced a transition from affirmation to negation. However, the truth of history is far from it.
Liu Pujiang believes that the strong national revolutionary color of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom was mainly smeared by later generations. Especially in the late Qing Dynasty, in order to shape the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom into a great national revolutionary movement, even the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom documents such as Shi Dakai’s Poems were forged for anti-Manchu propaganda. The national revolution led by Sun Yat-sen traced the nationalist trend back to the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom and the Yuan-Ming Revolution, so the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom was widely recognized as a "great national revolution" after the Republic of China.
As the antithesis of the Taiping Revolution, Zeng Guofan, Hu Linyi, Li Hongzhang, Zuo Zongtang and other so-called famous ZTE officials were fiercely attacked by people in the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China. However, since the 1930s, Zeng Guofan became popular with the whole society, especially the intellectual class. All kinds of books and periodicals were filled with Zeng Wenzheng’s achievements, remarks and thoughts, and Zeng Guofan once again became a perfect man.
Zeng Guofan
After 1931, the evaluation of Zeng Guofan was more ideological. Journalists with right-wing political stance compare Chiang Kai-shek with Zeng Guofan, advocating that "the Kuomintang inherits Zeng Guofan’s cultural stance and advocates the maintenance of traditional culture, so only the Three People’s Principles can save China; Communist party believes in foreign doctrine, which is not suitable for China’s national conditions. ".
On the other hand, after the relationship between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party deteriorated in the late period of the Anti-Japanese War, the Chinese Communist Party began to insinuate Chiang Kai-shek with Zeng Guofan-"communist party inherited the revolutionary tradition represented by the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom and Sun Yat-sen, and the Kuomintang inherited the counter-revolutionary tradition represented by Zeng Guofan". For example, in 1944, Fan Wenlan wrote The Life of Zeng Guofan, a traitor and executioner, and used Zeng Guofan to attack Chiang Kai-shek. Zeng Guofan, as a political and cultural symbol, has a strong moral role in the ideological dispute between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.
Liu Pujiang believes that Zeng Guofan was re-discussed and re-evaluated for two reasons: on the one hand, the Kuomintang changed from a revolutionary party to a ruling party, and consciously inherited Zeng and Hu’s cultural stance; On the other hand, there is an obvious causal relationship with the trend of cultural conservatism in the 1930s. Cultural conservatism is an important background for Zeng Guofan’s value to be rediscovered and recognized.
The attitude of the Kuomintang towards Hong, Yang, Zeng and Hu is actually quite subtle and ambiguous, and there is also an ideological conflict between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. As for the Kuomintang’s intention to downplay the relationship between its national revolutionary tradition and the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, it was after 1949.
